{"id":55939,"date":"2026-04-07T10:02:55","date_gmt":"2026-04-07T13:02:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/?p=55939"},"modified":"2026-04-07T23:42:20","modified_gmt":"2026-04-08T02:42:20","slug":"the-diplomatic-legacy-of-marco-rubio","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/the-diplomatic-legacy-of-marco-rubio\/","title":{"rendered":"The Diplomatic Legacy of Marco Rubio"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>Marco Rubio\u2019s speech at the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/ideas\/2026\/02\/marco-rubio-munich\/686025\/\">Munich Security Conference<\/a> reveals, above all, his role as a professional diplomat rather than an ideologized politician. In his remarks, he challenged Francis Fukuyama\u2019s \u201cend of history\u201d thesis, rejecting the idea that liberal democracy represents a definitive or absolute victory. At the same time, he underscored the historical ties between the United States and Western Europe\u2014a relationship that helped shape one of the most influential civilizations in the contemporary world. This perspective clearly echoes the arguments of Samuel Huntington and his postulates on civilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It is no coincidence that Marco Rubio has become one of the United States\u2019 main assets in its relations with allies and adversaries. The current Secretary of State embodies the figure of the professional politician: in the words of Maurice Duverger, those who live from politics and for politics. With a long career as a congressman, Rubio has accumulated extensive knowledge of the international system and of the processes of change shaping the global order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1024\" height=\"190\" src=\"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-1024x190.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-50869\" srcset=\"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-1024x190.png 1024w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-300x56.png 300w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-768x142.png 768w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-1536x284.png 1536w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-2048x379.png 2048w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-150x28.png 150w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-696x129.png 696w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-1068x198.png 1068w, https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/L21-Banner-INGLES-1920x356.png 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p>Following the detention of Nicol\u00e1s Maduro, a significant portion of public opinion assumed that the Venezuelan regime would collapse under its own weight and that the country would undergo a radical transformation. However, according to the Secretary of State\u2019s view, Washington\u2019s strategy does not seek an abrupt rupture, but rather a phased process in three stages: first, the stabilization of the country through negotiations with sectors of Chavismo; second, a stage of economic recovery driven by the opening of the oil sector and the entry of major international companies; and, finally, a political transition culminating in foundational elections capable of ushering in a new government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The transition model based on economic factors dates back to the postulates formulated in the 1960s by Seymour Martin Lipset, who established a relationship between economic development and democratic stability. This approach was later revisited and refined by authors such as Samuel P. Huntington and Barrington Moore Jr. In this sense, Marco Rubio appears to interpret the changes and continuities of political regimes through a logic closer to academic and technical analysis than to mere ideological rhetoric. The strength of the State Department lies precisely in the possibility that its secretary enjoys a certain degree of autonomy to act pragmatically in international scenarios.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In a world marked by accelerated transformations, Marco Rubio appealed in his speech to the strengthening of alliances, to the idea of civilization, and to the need for geopolitical reconfiguration. His intervention sought to persuade Europe to reconsider its political course and move from liberalism toward illiberalism. Within this framework, Rubio insisted on the need to reinforce the relationship between the United States and Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This logic may recall the spirit of balance of power that guided figures such as Klemens von Metternich and Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh during the Congress of Vienna, when the European powers attempted to redesign the continental order after the Napoleonic Wars, seeking to contain both French influence and Russian expansion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the nineteenth century, Metternich and Castlereagh promoted a deeply conservative order. Their objective was to restore stability on the continent by strengthening absolute monarchies in order to curb the liberal and revolutionary movements that had emerged after the French Revolution. At the same time, they fostered a system of balance of power that redistributed territories and strengthened intermediate powers with the aim of preventing new hegemonies that could destabilize Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Certain parallels emerge in the contemporary debate. In the twenty-first century, sectors of U.S. foreign policy have praised governments classified as illiberal, such as those of Hungary or Slovakia. This stance reflects a degree of sympathy toward them and adds to Donald Trump\u2019s attacks on liberalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Faced with this scenario, Marco Rubio calls for a revitalization of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2026\/feb\/18\/an-offer-of-friendship-but-on-white-christian-maga-terms\">transatlantic union<\/a>, though no longer necessarily mediated by the liberal consensus that defined relations between the United States and Europe after the Cold War. Instead, a political realignment seems to be taking shape in which sectors of the European right could play a stabilizing role within the continent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This dynamic is also reflected in recent tensions between Washington and some European governments identified with political liberalism, such as those led by Friedrich Merz in Germany, Emmanuel Macron in France, Keir Starmer in the United Kingdom, and Donald Tusk in Poland. By contrast, certain sectors of U.S. politics have praised leaders considered illiberal, such as Viktor Orb\u00e1n in Hungary and Robert Fico in Slovakia, and have even expressed gestures of admiration toward Vladimir Putin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Figures such as President Donald Trump and Vice President J. D. Vance have strained transatlantic relations primarily through political discourse. In contrast, Marco Rubio has returned to a more traditional diplomacy\u2014one that many observers believed had been abandoned recently. Under this logic, the United States has not ceded ground in its role as a global power; rather, it has adjusted its strategy, prioritizing its national interests and exerting pressure on long-standing allies.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Marco Rubio\u2019s speech in Munich outlines a pragmatic diplomacy that seeks to reorder the transatlantic alliance beyond the liberal consensus of the post\u2013Cold War era.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":404,"featured_media":55936,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"episode_type":"","audio_file":"","cover_image":"","cover_image_id":"","duration":"","filesize":"","filesize_raw":"","date_recorded":"","explicit":"","block":"","itunes_episode_number":"","itunes_title":"","itunes_season_number":"","itunes_episode_type":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[17157,17079,16809],"tags":[17180],"gps":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-55939","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-politia-en","8":"category-seguridad-publica-en","9":"category-integracion-regional-en","10":"tag-ideas"},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55939","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/404"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=55939"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55939\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":55940,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55939\/revisions\/55940"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/55936"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=55939"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=55939"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=55939"},{"taxonomy":"gps","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/latinoamerica21.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/gps?post=55939"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}