“We have overcome darker times before”, were the closing words of former Costa Rican president Luis Guillermo Solís on October 4, addressing the decline of the democratic state in Latin America. For the eighth consecutive year, more countries worldwide recorded declines in democratic indicators than those showing improvements, according to a 2024 report by IDEA International. In the region, examples range from Venezuela to Bolivia, and from Guatemala to Peru, among others.
Solís’s words of reassurance were delivered during the event “Regional Dialogue: How to Prevent Democratic Backsliding in Latin America?” organized by the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA International) and the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID). The gathering took place in the city of Antigua, Guatemala, on October 3-4, where the L21 team was pleased to participate.
Together with former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, former Peruvian President Francisco Sagasti, as well as academics, journalists, and civil society members, the event aimed to foster reflections and debates on ways to halt the democratic erosion and strengthen the rule of law in the region.
According to the 2024 Global State of Democracy Report, GSoD published by IDEA International, 47% of countries worldwide saw declines in at least one of the indicators measuring democratic performance. The category of free elections and parliamentary oversight recorded its worst levels in 2023 since 1975. In the past five years, more countries have experienced democratic backsliding than those showing progress.
Reflections on Latin America
Latin America is no exception, and its decline even precedes the global average, with records dating back at least a decade. It is also important to note that democratic regression in Latin America cannot be compared to regression in Europe, as the realities differ. Here, organized crime, illegal economies, migration, and even climate change create a scenario very different from that of the rest of the world.
The degree of regression also varies from one nation to another. While it has not spared countries once considered models of democracy in the region, such as Chile, Uruguay, and Costa Rica, others like Guatemala, where a newly inaugurated president faces governance challenges and widespread judicial scrutiny, see their democratic order hanging by a thread. The most concerning triad remains Venezuela, Nicaragua, and El Salvador.
In light of this news, it seems hard to imagine a less grim future. However, as the former Costa Rican leader pointed out, it is not the worst scenario in a region that has already faced various forms of dictatorship, persecution, and torture, and continues to grapple with significant social inequality and organized crime. By this logic, a reversal is indeed a credible possibility.
Bachelet cited examples of success: Brazil, after witnessing the invasion of its three branches of power by anti-democratic forces, demonstrated the resilience of its institutions. On the other side of South America, Chile, which faced its own “crisis” and two failed attempts to change Pinochet’s constitution, reshaped its governance, embracing more diversity and becoming the left-wing voice that condemns the situation in Venezuela.
Additionally, the region also has lessons to offer the world. Latin American countries continue to advance in protecting human rights, despite setbacks in cases such as the triad mentioned earlier. The Americas have the highest female representation in legislative chambers and hold several transparent elections with power alternation—again, with exceptions.
Different experiences, different solutions
Over two days, more than 70 people from 19 Latin American countries shared their experiences and discussed ways to amplify positive examples amidst bad news. Participants were divided into different themes to address, including the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, elections, civil society, media and press, and non-institutional mechanisms for political engagement.
The diversity of experiences, from Mexico to Argentina, was crucial to avoid “magic solutions,” as former president Sagasti pointed out, noting that a successful experience in one society, while offering lessons, cannot be replicated in another country given the degree of difference between nations.
Identifying deficiencies is an easy task; the challenge lies in proposing solutions and adapting them to each country’s context. How can power grabs be prevented? How can electoral bodies be strengthened to guard against manipulation or threats? How can citizens’ power and trust be restored so that they engage in the democratic construction of their countries?
The responses from the gathering will be part of a new report to be prepared by IDEA International. But there is a consensus: rescuing democracy requires strengthening the institutions that are its pillars, which in turn depend on a society that trusts them. Citizens who trust their country’s powers—and understand how they work—are less likely to surrender them to authoritarian voices. Sensitive positions, especially in the judiciary and electoral bodies, filled based on technical criteria are less likely to be co-opted than those with political appointments. It is also crucial to explore ways to prevent anti-democratic actors from participating in politics.
The role of diversity in democracy
The importance of diversity in reflecting on problems and proposing solutions in debate spaces historically occupied by older academics became evident during the event.
In a changing world, a young black woman from Colombian civil society advocated for the importance of having more young people like her in these forums. A journalist from Mexico, the country with the highest journalist mortality rate globally, amplified the calls for an independent press. An expelled former senator from Paraguay highlighted the risks of being in the opposition in politically monopolized spaces.
Although the discussion was broad over the two days, much remained unaddressed. Bachelet, in her speech at the High-Level Forum, highlighted the risks of indiscriminate use of artificial intelligence in elections, the growing power of social media without adequate regulation of hate and criminal discourse, and the increasing damage caused by disinformation. Criminal groups and trafficking networks are also a growing challenge for Latin American democracies.
To reflect on these issues, dialogue spaces like those promoted by IDEA International and AECID are essential and must increasingly incorporate citizens. Societies capable of identifying their problems and devising different solutions are less likely to fall for miraculous solutions from “saviors” with authoritarian tendencies.
*In collaboration with Carolina Marins.
Autor
Political scientist. Senior researcher at the German Institute of Global and Area Studies - GIGA (Germany). Former Secretary General of the Latin American Association of Political Science - ALACIP. Specialized in comparative political institutions in L.A.
