In other circumstances it could be said that this is one more chapter of the democratic celebration. However, this time they will go to vote in the midst of a critical socioeconomic context, product of the pandemic and the political instability installed in the country since the end of 2019 with the resignation of Evo Morales.
A few weeks ago the President announced that the Mexican vaccine against COVID-19 already has a name, it will be called “Patria”. However, when asked about the progress in research, its financing, production and distribution he only offered vagueness. The announcement was the name of a vaccine that does not exist.
It’s true! Seven out of ten Latin Americans do not detect or are not sure how to distinguish a fake news from a real one on the Internet. Despite the advances in communication and information technologies, today we are lost in the middle of an ocean of misinformation and everything points to the fact that the storm this generates is not going to abate.
Indigenous communities have been and are secondary actors with marginal presence in state institutions. Both in the case of elected and appointed positions, their presence is minimal and they rarely have access to local power.
A popular idea in economics holds that poor countries tend to grow faster than rich countries. Therefore, the world’s economies eventually converge in their income levels. However, historical experiences of convergence have been bitter.
Digital rights must be conceived from the principles of freedom and equality. In their discussion there is a tendency to formulate supposed principles derived from private morality and political correctness, confusing rights with prohibitions, and this logic spreads through the network like a computer virus.
In the last decade Brazil has been losing regional protagonism and several presidents have tried to fill this void. All have failed. In the face of economic disintegration and political fragmentation in South America, Uruguay’s president is trying to lead an agenda aimed at making Mercosur more flexible.
Cuba has launched a series of economic reforms induced by several factors: the continuity of an inefficient central planning model, the cutback of Venezuelan aid, sanctions imposed by former President Trump and the pandemic, all of which led to an 11% drop in GDP in 2020.
Latin America has been one of the regions hardest hit by the pandemic, both from a health and socioeconomic point of view. Its impact on the region has, on the one hand, revealed the inequalities and deficiencies of the social systems, and on the other, has negatively impacted hopes for a better future. The expectation … Continued
Brazilian politics suggests that the figure of Jair Bolsonaro is the result of political and institutional practices that have been instituting themselves for years in the imaginary of the exercise of democracy in the country.
The Australian think-tank Lowy Institute conducted a survey on the response capacity of countries to the pandemic, including, among other parameters, the number of confirmed cases and deaths. According to the ranking, Brazil is in the worst position among the 98 countries.
The agreement marks a turning point in the regional environmental agenda and has enormous potential in the process of building fairer, more equitable and sustainable societies. Once it comes into force, our task as citizens will be to work to ensure that it is ratified by all countries and becomes a reality.
The political landscape in the region, convulsed by strong and violent protests before the pandemic, seems to have recovered some calm with the outbreak of the coronavirus crisis. However, it is difficult to believe that the protests will not be repeated.
In December, the U.S. Congress passed the Engel List Act, which establishes that the president must submit to Congress every six months a list of citizens of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras who have incurred in fraudulent actions. But in the Central American Northern Triangle no one believes in it.
The recent Ecuadorian elections have been one of the most troubled in the country’s recent history. The fragmentation of the vote among four political forces in the legislative branch will generate a very weak government, under a shadow of institutional distrust.
Carlos Menem’s presidency was the longest in Argentine history, covering the entire decade of the 1990s, when the world emerged from the Cold War and Latin American countries faced the challenge of inserting themselves into globalization.